States Seek Curb on Patient Bills for Costly Drugs

Insurance now pays most of the price of the costly drug William Addison, 7, Victoria Kuhn’s son, takes for uncontrollable bleeding.


The hemophilia drug that saves 7-year-old William Addison from uncontrolled bleeding costs $100,000 a year. His family’s insurance pays virtually all of it. But his mother, Victoria Kuhn, says she is terrified that the insurance company may start requiring patients to pay as much as a third of the cost of the drug. “I don’t know where we’d find $30,000,” said Ms. Kuhn, who lives in Falmouth, Me.

Spurred by patients and patient advocates like Ms. Kuhn, lawmakers in at least 20 states, from Maine to Hawaii, have introduced bills that would limit out-of-pocket payments by consumers for expensive drugs used to treat diseases like cancer,rheumatoid arthritis, multiple sclerosis and inherited disorders.

Pharmaceutical companies would also benefit from such legislation because high co-payments discourage patients from taking their medicines. The pharmaceutical giant Pfizer has been helping the legislative drive behind the scenes, even drafting some of the bills, according to legislators and patient advocates.

The bills aim to counter efforts by health plans to reduce the amount they pay for expensive medicines by making the patients pay a percentage, typically 20 to 35 percent, of the cost.

While some insurers have said the laws are unnecessary because of the federal health care law, backers say the state bills would supplement the federal law and take effect before 2014, when most of the federal law is to become operative. They say too much uncertainty remains about how the federal law will work and whether it will survive the challenge before the Supreme Court.

New York State passed the first law prohibiting such high patient payments in 2010. Vermont enacted a one-year moratorium that lasts until July 1. Maine’s governor, Paul LePage, signed a bill into law on Monday that would set a yearly cap on patient payments for such expensive drugs. Hearings on similar bills were held last month in Connecticut and Rhode Island. Delaware’s Health Care Commission just finished a study on the matter. And a bill that would cover all states was recently introduced in the House by David McKinley, a West Virginia Republican.

Insurance companies are pushing back, so some bills are dying, as in Washington State, or being watered down, as was the one in Maine. The insurers argue that reducing payments by users of the expensive drugs would raise premiums for everyone else.

“There’s no free dollars in the mix here,” Melvin N. Sorensen, a lobbyist for insurers, said at a hearing in the Washington State Senate in late January.

The controversy centers on so-called specialty drugs, a somewhat imprecise term that generally encompasses products that can cost tens or even hundreds of thousands of dollars a year.

Such drugs account for only 1 percent of total drug use, but 17 percent of drug spending by private insurers, according to IMS Health.

And costs are soaring as more such drugs come to market and as manufacturers raise prices. In 2010, spending on specialty drugs jumped 17.4 percent, compared with only 1.1 percent for other drugs, according to Medco Health Solutions, a pharmacy benefits manager that merged this month with Express Scripts.

Insurers typically encourage patients to use less expensive drugs by classifying products into tiers with successively higher co-payments, like $10, $30 and $50. Generic drugs are usually in the lowest tier, preferred brand-name drugs in the second tier and other brand-name drugs in the third.

But some insurers are now putting specialty drugs into a fourth tier of their own with extra high co-payments, or even co-insurance, in which the patient pays a percentage of the drug cost.

About 14 percent of workers with insurance are in plans that have four or more tiers, up from 7 percent in 2008, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation’s 2011 survey of benefits.

Patient advocates say that for some diseases, like multiple sclerosis, none of the drugs are inexpensive, making it impossible to avoid the high out-of-pocket costs unless people stop taking their medicine and endanger their health.

That discriminates against people with certain diseases, they say, and contravenes the whole idea of insurance, which is to help people pay for costly medical problems.

Mark Merritt, president of the Pharmaceutical Care Management Association, which represents pharmacy benefit managers, said the real problem was the price of the drugs. The legislation, he said, was an effort by the pharmaceutical industry to “turn a pricing problem into a coverage issue.”

Sharon Treat, executive director of the National Legislative Association on Prescription Drug Prices, an organization of state lawmakers, said that was a drawback of the bills. Insulating patients from the cost of their drugs, she said, “gives the drug companies a free ride to charge as much as they want.”

Still, Ms. Treat, a Democratic legislator in Maine, supported the bill in her state. And patient advocates say that while insurance is regulated, there is little they can do about drug prices.

Drug companies often help patients with their co-payments, but patient advocates say those programs do not solve the entire problem.

The Downside of Cohabiting Before Marriage



AT 32, one of my clients (I’ll call her Jennifer) had a lavish wine-country wedding. By then, Jennifer and her boyfriend had lived together for more than four years. The event was attended by the couple’s friends, families and two dogs. When Jennifer started therapy with me less than a year later, she was looking for a divorce lawyer. “I spent more time planning my wedding than I spent happily married,” she sobbed. Most disheartening to Jennifer was that she’d tried to do everything right. “My parents got married young so, of course, they got divorced. We lived together! How did this happen?”

Cohabitation in the United States has increased by more than 1,500 percent in the past half century. In 1960, about 450,000 unmarried couples lived together. Now the number is more than 7.5 million. The majority of young adults in their 20s will live with a romantic partner at least once, and more than half of all marriages will be preceded by cohabitation. This shift has been attributed to the sexual revolution and the availability of birth control, and in our current economy, sharing the bills makes cohabiting appealing. But when you talk to people in their 20s, you also hear about something else: cohabitation as prophylaxis.

In a nationwide survey conducted in 2001 by the National Marriage Project, then at Rutgers and now at the University of Virginia, nearly half of 20-somethings agreed with the statement, “You would only marry someone if he or she agreed to live together with you first, so that you could find out whether you really get along.” About two-thirds said they believed that moving in together before marriage was a good way to avoid divorce.

But that belief is contradicted by experience. Couples who cohabit before marriage (and especially before an engagement or an otherwise clear commitment) tend to be less satisfied with their marriages — and more likely to divorce — than couples who do not. These negative outcomes are called the cohabitation effect.

Researchers originally attributed the cohabitation effect to selection, or the idea that cohabitors were less conventional about marriage and thus more open to divorce. As cohabitation has become a norm, however, studies have shown that the effect is not entirely explained by individual characteristics like religion, education or politics. Research suggests that at least some of the risks may lie in cohabitation itself.

As Jennifer and I worked to answer her question, “How did this happen?” we talked about how she and her boyfriend went from dating to cohabiting. Her response was consistent with studies reporting that most couples say it “just happened.”

“We were sleeping over at each other’s places all the time,” she said. “We liked to be together, so it was cheaper and more convenient. It was a quick decision but if it didn’t work out there was a quick exit.”

She was talking about what researchers call “sliding, not deciding.” Moving from dating to sleeping over to sleeping over a lot to cohabitation can be a gradual slope, one not marked by rings or ceremonies or sometimes even a conversation. Couples bypass talking about why they want to live together and what it will mean.

WHEN researchers ask cohabitors these questions, partners often have different, unspoken — even unconscious — agendas. Women are more likely to view cohabitation as a step toward marriage, while men are more likely to see it as a way to test a relationship or postpone commitment, and this gender asymmetry is associated with negative interactions and lower levels of commitment even after the relationship progresses to marriage. One thing men and women do agree on, however, is that their standards for a live-in partner are lower than they are for a spouse.

Sliding into cohabitation wouldn’t be a problem if sliding out were as easy. But it isn’t. Too often, young adults enter into what they imagine will be low-cost, low-risk living situations only to find themselves unable to get out months, even years, later. It’s like signing up for a credit card with 0 percent interest. At the end of 12 months when the interest goes up to 23 percent you feel stuck because your balance is too high to pay off. In fact, cohabitation can be exactly like that. In behavioral economics, it’s called consumer lock-in.